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Fear of a White Planet

Fear of a White Planet

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Gregory Hood

Few things cause media outrage as much as white people existing quietly, not interacting with other people. The key distinction between white nationalism and “fake” forms of racial nationalism is that the former reflects a desire to be left alone, while other races demand to be subsidized by whites while simultaneously increasing their political power and control.

Once again, some in modern South Africa are attacking the successful Afrikaner enclave of Orania. The country’s constitution is supposed to protect the community’s right to self-determination, but the abstraction of the “rule of law” is always secondary to racial grievances. Andrew Louw, provincial chairman of the ActionSA party in the Northern Cape, says recognizing Orania undermines the “democratic fabric of our society.” In a statement issued on June 22, he said, “We must strive for a South Africa where diversity is celebrated within a united national identity, ensuring that democracy remains vibrant and inclusive for all.”

Modern South Africa is a classic example of anarcho-tyranny, where the government fails to maintain public safety or basic services while simultaneously persecuting the dwindling white community responsible for what little value the country still has. However, the ANC’s failure after decades in power has caused little reflection within the ruling party.

The best that can be said about the ANC is that its alternatives may be worse. One such alternative, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) led by the anti-white Julius Malema, demands low-cost government housing in Orania. “We insist on RDP houses in Orania,” tweeted Mr. Malema on June 22. (RDP — or Reconstruction and Development Programme — was an ANC policy announced in 1994.) It may seem a strange thing to care about when deciding whether to join a national government, but Orania is that much of a threat to Mr. Malema’s parasitic party. Some in the international media may feel the same way, considering the ferociously negative coverage the town has endured.

The latest was a television special by black journalist Ade Adepitan, who was graciously allowed to spend a week in the town. He responded by sharing conspiracy theories, asking how a “tiny population in the middle of the desert” sustains itself. “I hope viewers of my documentary find themselves asking where the money is coming from,” he said, adding that “Orania should be a warning to all of us.”

It is not surprising that a black man finds it incredible that a small community of whites that, without mooching off others, is able to build something, including an independent power grid separate from South Africa’s collapsing system. It is precisely because the town has been successful that it faces such opposition.

Even asserting that white people deserve a future may be illegal in some modern European countries. In Neuves-Maisons, France, a candidate who recently put up a poster reading “Let’s give white children a future” now faces prosecution. Neuves-Maisons Mayor Pascal Schneider called the poster a “rag that sullies the city, the canton, the entire department.” The Daily Mail said the mayor was “horrified,” an interesting word to describe a reaction to a poster of a white child. Meanwhile, President Emmanuel Macron told a podcast audience that a right-wing solution is “out of the question, because it is categorizing people in terms of their religion or origins and that is why it leads to division and to civil war.”

However, the racial and religious divisions in France are strong and growing because the government insists on importing millions of non-French people and rewarding them for claiming they are oppressed. Still, the premise that merely recognizing distinctions leads inevitably to “civil war” is revealing and may provide a partial explanation why the mere existence of white people causes such fury and fear.

Social media provide several examples of this phenomenon. For example, the current American Olympic swimming team is mostly white. This is not surprising, but commenters have been stunned at the “lack of diversity.”

 

 

 

 

In contrast, when Irish activist Keith Woods noticed the gradual replacement of whites on “European” and North American soccer teams, commenters dogpiled him to accuse him of racism:

 

In 2001, the BBC’s director-general, Greg Dyke, called his organization “hideously white.” However, despite decades trying to increase non-white representation, critics are still not satisfied:

Claiming that something has “unbearable whiteness” is another favorite topic for the chattering class. Teaching, skiing, protests, leftist YouTube, and countless other things are simply too white.

The fear that if something is too white, it will inevitably lead to fascism and the wholesale slaughter of non-white seems to be lurking in the collective unconscious of some people. For example, last week a picture of the hardly extreme Nigel Farage waving to a mostly white crowd caused a non-white journalist to post:

 

Half-remembered clichés from entertainment, academia, and biased journalism are the best explanation for these extreme reactions. Trying to use logic and careful argument to explain why simply seeing white people doing anything causes these reactions may be a lost cause. Hatred is rarely rooted in reason. Whites face an unreasoning malice. We must do whatever it takes to ensure our collective survival, so that that malice no longer has the power to affect us. If we do not, our people and civilization will vanish in a tide of hysteria.

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