“Chase after money and security, and your heart will never unclench.”
Tao Te Ching
“The Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America (Orthodox Union), the nation’s largest Orthodox Jewish umbrella organization, applauded Senator Chuck Schumer’s ambitious proposal to allocate $1 billion to Jewish community security through the Nonprofit Security Grant Program (NSGP).”
Orthodox Union Advocacy Center, November 6 2023
Jewish activism throughout the West follows very similar broad patterns, including a noticeable over-representation in pro-immigration and pro-diversity movements, and in other areas which can be classed as demographically and culturally aggressive and harmful to the interests of the native population. An ancillary pattern to this activism is a strident defensiveness that borders on paranoia, resulting in Jews taking leading roles in the restriction of free speech, the introduction of “hate” laws and, finally, a strident and insatiable demand that the host population, the very subject of Jewish aggression, provide funds for the physical security of Jews.
The Security Shakedown in Historical Context
The Jewish demand for special protection is witnessed throughout the history of their settlement among Europeans. In the Middle Ages, European elites were aware of the hostility aroused by Jewish exploitation of the peasantry but, because they also benefited from this exploitation via special taxes on Jews, numerous measures were taken to increase security for Jewish usurers and their families. The now infamous “identifying badge,” normally a yellow star, originates from the thirteenth century, when it was first introduced to better facilitate the recognition of Jews by their official bodyguards.[1] Writing in The Jews in 1922, Hilaire Belloc pointed out that after the Enlightenment and the decline of absolute monarchies, Jews seized upon ‘citizenship’ as a replacement for the security and protection offered by the now redundant symbiotic relationship with the older, weakened elites of yesterday. ‘Equality under the law,’ or rather the unequal application of this principle, was the path to the security and special treatment which, as Belloc argued, ‘the Jew’ feels “to be his due.” Belloc wrote:
Without it [the Jew] feels handicapped. He is, in his own view, only saved from the disadvantage of a latent hostility when he is thus protected, and he is therefore convinced that the world owes him this singular privilege of full citizenship in any community where he happens for the moment to be, while at the same time retaining full citizenship of his own nation. … What the Jew wanted was not the proud privilege of being called an Englishman, a Frenchman, an Italian, or a Dutchman. To this he was completely indifferent. What the Jew wanted was not the feeling that he was just like the others — that would have been odious to him — what he wanted was security. (The Jews, p. 26).
Andrew Joyce, reviewing Belloc’s work, comments:
Belloc raises an interesting point: the incessant search of Jews for security remains a stark but often overlooked reality in the present. The rise of the National Socialists, and the wave of pent-up exasperation which swept through Europe during World War II, revealed to Jews the weakness of citizenship, in and of itself, to maintain the fiction of equality and to offer the deep level of security they crave. Confronted with a mass expression of European ethnocentrism, the Jew could find no appropriate mask. Not one of religion, for the guise of ‘Christian’ no longer offered protection and the opportunity of crypsis. The state now comprised a citizenry of racial brothers rather than ‘fellow citizens’ of the Jews. For the first time in the long game of musical chairs they had played since arriving in Europe, the music had stopped playing — and the Jews were left without a chair. From the rubble of World War II, a new world was to be fashioned. No longer was citizenship for the Jews enough — now Jewish security was to be sought by regulating non-Jews and imposing limits on the exercise of their citizenship. Since World War II this has taken the form of everything from engineering the demographic profile of Western nations, to ‘hate speech’ laws and lobbying for gun control.
A New Protection Racket
Administered by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), the Nonprofit Security Grant Program (NSGP) is currently one of the most significant legal methods for wealth and resource transfer from non-Jews to Jews in the United States. Originally proposed by the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA) in December 2001, the NSGP has given over $1.1 billion in taxpayers’ money to Jewish groups, with the stated goal of protecting synagogues and schools.
The almost exclusively Jewish destination of NSGP funds is only very lightly disguised. FEMA state that “the Nonprofit Security Grant Program (NSGP) provides funding support for target hardening and other physical security enhancements and activities to nonprofit organizations that are at high risk of terrorist attack. The intent is to integrate nonprofit preparedness activities with broader state and local preparedness efforts. It is also designed to promote coordination and collaboration in emergency preparedness activities among public and private community representatives, as well as state and local government agencies. [emphasis added]” Publicly available financial disclosures have shown that the Jewish share of distributed funds is so large as to surely demand special mention. In 2009, Jewish groups received 60% of funds, in 2007 73%, by 2011 this had increased to 81%, 97% in 2012, 90% in 2013, and Jews received $11 million of the $13.8 million distributed in 2014. NSGP is a program devised by Jews to benefit Jews.
Realizing that they’d hit a rich vein of lucrative funds, in 2020 Jewish groups began to corral other minority religious groups, especially Muslims, along with a few token churches in an effort to lobby for vastly increased funds under a more superficially diverse umbrella. But the involvement of other groups was purely tactical. According to Jewish Currents,
the security grant program had never been designed with the particular needs of Muslim communities in mind. The program was created in 2005, largely as a result of lobbying by Jewish groups, including the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA)—then known as the United Jewish Communities—and the Orthodox Union. Thanks to consistent Jewish lobbying efforts and a robust Jewish infrastructure for coaching organizations on applying for grants, the majority of funds have always been funneled toward synagogues and Jewish community organizations.
A Wikipedia entry on the NSGP contains the warning that “the program has become a popular topic among antisemitic and conspiracy-oriented bloggers, who point to information on award sizes to argue that Jewish interests have undue effect upon the American government.” This seems redundant given that Jews themselves have celebrated the NSGP as a product of their outsized power and influence in America. In 2010, the Forward published an op-ed specifically on how “the grants program provides a window into Jewish organizational and political power. It is this power that allowed a small community to create and maintain a government program tailored specifically for its needs and catering almost exclusively to its members.” At a time when the number of White victims of multiculturalism is spiraling, the Forward describes
The Akiba-Schechter Jewish Day School, in Chicago, put in new lights around its building and parking lot and now has a state-of-the-art video surveillance system with 12 cameras. Congregation Brith Shalom, in Bellaire, Texas, now has blast-proof doors and windows. In Baltimore, the Bais Hamedrash & Mesivta school installed a new gate to the parking lot and placed cameras throughout the building. Earlier this month, Congregation B’nai Israel of Staten Island put new shatterproof windows into its 40-year-old building. All thanks to the United States taxpayer.
Analysis of fund recipients revealed that the stronger the Jewish identification, the more money they consumed. For example, “Lubavitch Jews received more grants than the entire Reform movement, the largest denomination in the country. Overall, Orthodox institutions were dramatically overrepresented, receiving about 45% of the grants that went to all Jewish institutions from 2007 to 2010. … A grant was even awarded to the American Israel Education Fund, which is an offshoot of the America Israel Public Affairs Committee and holds net assets, according to its latest tax filings, of $38 million.”
The Magic Formula
The Forward points out the disproportionate benefit given to Jews “is no accident,” and that Jewish groups were involved in designing the formula for awards — a formula that will always inevitably benefit them over other groups:
The legislation and the rules defining eligibility make no mention of preferring Jewish institutions, but in practice the program could easily be viewed as a Jewish earmark. First, religious institutions are preferred over other not-for-profits. This policy is tucked into DHS’s official rules for evaluating grant applications. Each organization applying receives a score based on the merits of its request. Then the score of a “non-profit organization with religious affiliation” is multiplied by three, giving it a significant advantage over other applicants. Second, high-risk metropolitan areas are given top priority in the grant process, and those “tier 1” cities — New York, Washington, Houston, Chicago and Los Angeles — have a heavy concentration of Jews. A second tier consists of cities that face less of a risk of terror attacks, including Miami, Boston and Dallas. Philadelphia had been in that second group, but was moved to tier 1 in 2010. Lobbyists are now working for the inclusion of Rockland County, N.Y., because it is home to a dense ultra-Orthodox population. Third, an ambiguous definition of what constitutes a terror threat has enabled many Jewish institutions to make a stronger case than non-Jewish counterparts. The criteria established by Congress and DHS requires not-for-profits to demonstrate that they “or closely related organizations (within or outside the U.S.)” have been subjected to prior threats or attacks by a terrorist network. Taking into account incidents overseas allows Jewish groups to describe their threat level regardless of what is happening in their own communities. Several Chabad synagogues contacted by the Forward mentioned the November 2008 attack against the Chabad house in Mumbai, India, as proof of their vulnerability. Other applicants pointed to terror attacks against Jewish targets in Israel as justification for the government funding. … Since September 11, 2001, the United States has foiled nearly three dozen credible terror plots, and more than 170 terror suspects have been arrested. The Jewish community was targeted directly in only a handful of these attempts. … Jewish groups, however, have a different count. They include the July 2006 shooting rampage at the Jewish federation building in Seattle, which left one person dead, and the July 2010 attack on Washington’s United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, which took the life of a security guard. Both of these incidents were described by law enforcement authorities as hate crimes, not terror attacks. The perpetrators — one a Muslim, the other a white Christian — were not affiliated with a terror network and did not carry out the attacks as part of a broader agenda. … Yet, Beth Jacob Congregation, in Beverly Hills, cited the Seattle incident as the reason that it needed federal funding for security.
You read that correctly. An attack on Jews anywhere in the world, like India or Israel (!), will result in them getting more funds in the U.S. And these funds are being used simply to make Jewish lives more comfortable, like insulating them from multicultural crime or improving their properties. The Forward article explains:
In conversations with leaders of dozens of synagogues and other Jewish organizations around the country, the Forward found that combating crime, not preventing terrorism, was the prime motivation to apply for the federal money. “We had been thinking for a long time about upgrading our security, not really because of any particular issue,” said Rabbi Adam Zeff of the Germantown Jewish Centre, in Philadelphia. “There were some incidents that we found that we were unable to deal with — people getting into the building, vandalism on our playground. The homeland security grant was important to us because it expanded our vision of what we could do.” A similar view was expressed by Hanna Belsky, administrator of Chicago’s Hanna Sacks Bais Yaakov High School. “There have been incidents like a broken window, somebody getting in the school,” she said. “Our parking lot is open to the street, and now with the money, it’s a private parking lot. … This was our dream.”
In 2021 the drive to add a superficial diversity to the grant program profile was successful in prompting gullible lawmakers to double the annual funding to the program. In 2023 it ballooned to $305 million (when the program opened, the annual budget was $15 million). Jewish groups were thrown into a panic in March of this year, however, when the Biden administration revised the funding down by 10% to $274.5 million. Although the final amount is still extravagant, Jewish groups are probably most disturbed that there was any reduction at all. The ambition is clearly to keep expanding this lucrative gravy train, with Chuck Schumer demanding that it be increased to $1 billion annually. After all, a world in which Jewish car parks are open to the street would be simply intolerable.
Jewish groups are apparently not consoled by the fact Biden’s FY2025 budget, released on March 11, proposes a record $385 million for the NSGP. Even a temporary drop is unacceptable. In a joint statement, the Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, the Jewish Federations of North America and the Orthodox Union said “these funds are not just grants; they are lifelines that have fortified vital institutions against hate and violence. The security measures these funds have supported at Jewish facilities across the country have saved lives and prevented tragedy. Together, we urge Congress to prioritize additional funding to make the NSGP program whole. Any national security supplemental must include funding for NSGP and there must be increased funding for NSGP in the FY2025 appropriations bill.” Jonathan Greenblatt was keen to maintain the ruse that the NSGP isn’t a Jewish earmark, stating that “these grants are critical to the safety and security of not only the Jewish community, but nonprofits and religious institutions around the country.”
The Security Shakedown Goes International
The tremendous success of the NSGP scam has let to its replication elsewhere. In Britain, they don’t even bother with the ruse that it’s a generalized grant for nonprofits. Just a few months ago, the UK government announced that the Jewish Community Security Trust would be allocated “more than £70 million over the next 4 years, as part of the Jewish Community Protective Security Grant.” While crime has increased 15% across Britain’s multicultural schools, Jewish schools will benefit from more security guards, improved fencing, and other measures designed to make Jews more protected and comfortable. In France, 80% of the Jewish community’s “security” needs are financially supported by taxpayers through the Délégation aux Coopérations de Sécurité. Last year, the German government increased its funding for the largest national Jewish umbrella body, Central Council of Jews in Germany, by 70%, to include “creating a nationwide training program for security personnel at Jewish institutions.”
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The overall picture, therefore, is that Jews will continue to disproportionately lobby for the demographic marginalization of Whites while obtaining funds from the governments of these same nations that make their lives easier, safer, and shield them from the worst effects of multiculturalism. Jews can lobby for mass migration, safe in the knowledge that even in the big cities they can live, study, and worship behind electric fencing, dozens of cameras, and 24/7 security guards — at no cost to themselves. They can park their cars in private car parks, and get more money to do so every year because someone might bump into a Jew in Mumbai, or a Palestinian might throw a rock at an IDF soldier. There is surely no greater indicator that Jews are an elite than the fact that, just as in medieval times, an assault on a Jew is viewed as something symbolic, something more than the sum of its parts. In the Middle Ages, to compromise the security of a Jew was to attack the monarchy itself. Today, to compromise the security of the Jews is to attack democracy, to abuse human rights, or some other useful abstraction. In the quote from the Tao Te Ching opening this essay, Lao Tse comments on the total lack of peace found within the soul of the person who chases money. In other translations, it is expressed as “He who hoards gold and jade will never find peace.” Jewish outsized influence brings with it an abundance of insecurity, but it’s you who picks up the tab.
[1] “The Jews of England in the Thirteenth Century,” Jewish Quarterly Review, 15:1 (1902), 5-22 (p.14).
